Otto, the Constitution and George I

ProjectGreece.

The History of Modern Greece, from 1800 to today.

A twenty-episode series that narrates the journey of modern Greece with sobriety, composure, and documentation.

Fourth episode.

Welcome to another episode of the series "The History of Modern Greece, from 1800 to today."

In the previous episode, we reached 1843. We examined Kapodistrias's effort to form a central state, his assassination, the arrival of Otho, the absolute monarchy, and, finally, the Revolution of 3 September. The King had accepted the convening of a National Assembly. However, a Constitution had not yet been voted upon.

In the twenty years that follow, Greece would test a constitutional monarchy for the first time. The vote would be impressively broadened, but the King would retain significant power. And when Otho is removed, the change of dynasty would not immediately bring stability.

In January 1844, while the Assembly debates the new form of government, the dispute between "autochthones" (native-born) and "heterochthones" (those from outside the borders) breaks out. The former originate from the regions of the independent kingdom. The latter have come from places that remain outside the borders. They do not constitute a unified social group, nor are they all refugees. The immediate issue is not only national identity. It is access to public positions in a small economy where a state salary constitutes a significant source of security.

On 14 January by the old calendar, or 26 January by the new, Ioannis Kolettis speaks of the "Great Idea." The phrase does not yet describe a unified, detailed plan for borders. It does, however, condense the conviction that the Greek state is not identical to the entire Greek nation and that its political mission extends beyond the existing territory.

On 18 March by the old calendar, or 30 March by the new, the Constitution of 1844 is completed and Otho takes an oath to it. Legislative power is exercised by the King, the elected Chamber of Deputies, and the Senate, whose lifelong members are appointed by him. Executive power belongs to the King and is exercised through ministers, whom he appoints and dismisses. The monarchical principle is limited, yet it is not yet subordinate to the parliamentary majority.

The electoral law of the same year creates one of the broadest male electorates in Europe at the time. Male citizens who have reached their 25th year and possess property or practice an independent profession or trade have the right to vote. This is almost universal male suffrage, though not universal democracy: women are excluded, and elections are not free from government pressure, violence, or fraud.

After the transitional governments of Andreas Metaxas, Konstantinos Kanaris, and Alexandros Mavrokordatos, Kolettis forms a government in August 1844. The first elections last for many months, and the first elected Chamber meets in January 1845. Kolettis dominates until his death in August 1847 by the old calendar. The practice of power immediately shows the limit of the new Constitution: the King continues to select the government, while the government apparatus heavily influences the elections.

The elections do not eliminate family, local, and patronage ties. They integrate them into the new system. The local politician mediates for appointments, tax matters, or access to the central administration. This produces favouritism and exclusions, but for many residents, it is simultaneously the practical path towards a centralised and still distant state.

After the death of Kolettis, governments succeed one another quickly: Tzavellas, Kountouriotis, Kanaris, and, from the end of 1849, Kriezis. In 1847 and 1848, armed revolts break out. In the spring of 1848, in Eastern Central Greece, armed groups unsuccessfully besiege Lamia, and elements of the Border Guard and the army join their ranks. During the same period, officers who had led previous revolts now fight on the side of the government, having been amnestied and reintegrated into its forces. This is not a single Greek version of the European revolutions of 1848, but a convergence of local, military, and political oppositions.

The Constitution does not automatically depoliticise the army, nor does it eliminate the armed networks of the revolutionary period. Old chieftains, officers, local powers, and party factions remain intertwined.

In January 1850, the British government imposes a naval blockade due to the financial claims of British subjects, the best-known being the Don Pacifico affair. The crisis shows how limited the sovereignty of a small state remains in the face of the Great Powers. The claims themselves, their extent, and the British use of force provoke intense international disagreement.

In the same year, the Ecumenical Patriarchate formally recognises the autocephaly of the Church of Greece. The unilateral declaration of 1833 had left an open ecclesiastical conflict. The recognition of 1850 closes the canonical issue, without abolishing the close relationship between Church and State.

The country remains primarily agricultural. Many cultivators work on national lands without definitive and undisputed ownership. The great distribution would come later, in 1871. In the northern and western Peloponnese, currant cultivation expands and acquires increasing export importance. Development, however, is not uniform and does not equate to generalised prosperity. The country continues to import grain and industrial products, while shipping and funds from Greeks abroad cover part of the trade deficit. Agricultural production relies on the labour of the entire family, including women, although their contribution is rarely recorded as independent paid labour.

In January 1854, a revolt breaks out in Epirus, and in the following months, movements emerge in Thessaly and Macedonia, regions then under Ottoman rule. Local rebels, Ottoman subjects, are reinforced by volunteer corps and Greek officers who cross the borders. The Court and state officials look favourably upon or secretly support these movements, though war has not been declared, nor is it an official campaign of the Greek army. The operations do not constitute a single, centrally organised campaign and eventually fail under Ottoman military pressure and the intervention of Britain and France.

In May 1854, French forces land in Piraeus and are shortly thereafter reinforced by British infantry. A naval blockade and military occupation of Piraeus are imposed with the aim of Greek neutrality. Kriezis steps down and a Mavrokordatos government is formed under strong allied pressure. All of Greece is not occupied. However, the occupation directly limits the freedom of the government and mandates the recall of officers and volunteers.

During the military occupation, cholera breaks out in Piraeus and spreads to Athens. Sources and later studies connect its appearance to the occupying forces, but the exact conditions of transmission and the casualty figures differ. According to some estimates, the dead in Athens and Piraeus reached the thousands, without there being a common, secure number. The poor, refugees, and those unable to leave the cities are more exposed to poor water supply, hunger, and inadequate care.

The return and demobilisation of armed men burden security, particularly in border areas. Some former volunteers or irregulars turn to brigandage, and certain groups find local political protection. It is not correct to say that the fighters collectively became brigands. Brigandage has different origins and is connected to poverty, the borders, networks of power, and the weakness of the state.

The Crimean War ends in 1856 without Greek territorial gain. The Anglo-French troops depart in February 1857. In the meantime, Mavrokordatos had been succeeded in government by Dimitrios Voulgaris in 1855 and then by Athanasios Miaoulis in 1857. The episode has revealed the limits of irredentist policy, the dependence on the Powers, and the weaknesses of the public services. It does not, however, eliminate the Great Idea from political life.

Athens grows, but its infrastructure remains limited. The repaired Hadrianic Aqueduct is insufficient and residents continue to use wells, fountains, and water-sellers. In 1857, the gasworks is established.

In May 1859, the "Skiadika" (straw hat incidents) break out in Athens. Pupils and students are encouraged to wear domestic straw hats. Incidents are provoked involving merchants of imported hats, a clash with the police follows, and the demonstrations take on an anti-Othonian character. The event is small in scale but reveals the politicisation of the youth and the accumulation of dissatisfaction.

The elections of the years 1859 to 1861 are accompanied by serious allegations of government interference. The government of Athanasios Miaoulis and the Court are accused of restricting the opposition. Officers and politicians are transferred, imprisoned, or exiled. Nafplio becomes a centre of anti-Othonian action.

During the same period, education expands, but unevenly. The municipalities fund a large part of elementary education, so poor and remote communities lag behind. the Arsakeio school opens an important path for the training of female teachers, and in 1861 it is recognised as equal to the state male teacher-training colleges. Women, however, remain outside the electorate and the University.

On 1 February 1862 by the old calendar, the Nafplio Revolution breaks out. The garrison mutinies and collaborates with politicians and residents. The government besieges the city and prevails in April. This is neither only a popular uprising nor only a coup by officers, but a military mutiny with significant political and social participation.

A few weeks after the start of the mutiny, officers Nikolaos Leotsakos and Periklis Moraitinis attempt from Syros to liberate exiles on Kythnos. The operation is suppressed and both are killed, together with the student Agamemnon Skarvelis. For the total casualties, accounts differ, which is why we will not give an absolute number.

The government's victory in Nafplio does not restore the prestige of the throne. In May, Miaoulis is replaced by Ioannis Gennaios Kolokotronis. In October, Theodoros Grivas mobilises in Acarnania and the movement spreads to many cities. The overthrow of Otho does not begin exclusively in Athens.

On the night of 10 to 11 October by the old calendar, or the 22nd to the 23rd by the new, the movement prevails in the capital. The Provisional Government of Greece is formed, with Dimitrios Voulgaris as president and Konstantinos Kanaris and Benizelos Roufos as members. The reign of Otho is abolished. On 12 October by the old calendar, or 24 October by the new, Otho and Amalia depart on a British ship, without the King signing a formal abdication.

The final change in Athens meets limited resistance, but the entire movement cannot be characterised as completely bloodless. The conflicts in Nafplio and Kythnos have preceded it. The fall of the first dynasty is the result of long political attrition, interventions in the elections, military dissatisfaction, and the unresolved dynastic uncertainty.

From 19 November 1862 by the old calendar, or 1 December by the new, a popular vote for the new monarch is conducted in a prolonged process. The British Prince Alfred gathers overwhelming preference, but the process does not have the characteristics of a modern binding referendum. International agreements exclude members of the royal families of the three Powers, and Britain does not accept his candidacy. On 10 December by the old calendar, or 22 December by the new, the Second National Assembly convenes.

The Interregnum is unstable. In February 1863, the "February events" overthrow the Provisional Government. After the fall of the triumvirate, the National Assembly acts as a "governing Chamber" and brings forth successive provisional governments, initially under Zinoviou Valvis and then under Diomidis Kyriakos.

On 18 March by the old calendar, or 30 March by the new, the Assembly elects the 17-year-old Danish Prince Wilhelm as King. He takes the name George I and the title "King of the Hellenes," different from Otho's title "King of Greece." The selection is completed through a combination of an act of the National Assembly and an international agreement of the Powers with the Danish dynasty.

In April, Benizelos Roufos assumes the government. In June, the "Mountain" and "Plain" factions clash in Athens, with the participation of military units, national guards, and brigand groups. Sources agree that there were dead and wounded, but they do not provide a common, secure casualty count. The selection of a new king has not yet created order.

The Treaty of 1 July by the old calendar, or 13 July by the new, links the future union of the Ionian Islands with the will of the Ionian Parliament and the consent of the Powers. The Ionian Parliament votes unanimously in favour of the Union on 23 September by the old calendar, or 5 October by the new.

George makes his official entry into Athens on 18 October by the old calendar, or 30 October by the new. The next day, he takes an oath before the National Assembly as "King of the Hellenes." He is not crowned. A different act is the oath of allegiance to the new Constitution, which he will give in November 1864.

After the arrival of George, Roufos is succeeded in government by Dimitrios Voulgaris.

The Union of the Ionian Islands is not a simple British gift to the new king. It is preceded by decades of the Ionian unionist movement and conflicts within the Ionian State, which is under direct British protection. The Treaty of 2 November 1863 by the old calendar, or 14 November by the new, records Britain’s renunciation of the protection and recognises the Union. In March 1864, Voulgaris is succeeded by Konstantinos Kanaris. The final Treaty with Greece, on 17 March by the old calendar, or 29 March by the new, determines the terms of implementation.

In April 1864, Zinovios Valvis assumes the government.

On 21 May by the old calendar, or 2 June 1864 by the new, the British military presence departs and the Ionian Islands are officially united with Greece. The final agreement maintains the perpetual neutrality of Corfu and Paxoi and guarantees the continuation of religious rights and of civil and political equality. The kingdom acquires new territories, ports, and populations with different administrative, legal, and social experiences. The integration includes Orthodox, Catholic, and Jewish communities and requires an adjustment of institutions and representation.

In July, Kanaris returns to the government and eighty-four Ionian deputies join the Assembly.

On 17 October by the old calendar, or 29 October by the new, the Assembly votes on the Constitution of 1864. On 16 November by the old calendar, or 28 November by the new, George takes an oath to uphold it; the following day, the Constitution is signed and published. In contrast to 1844, the text is an act solely of the Assembly and not an agreement between it and the monarch.

The new text specifies that all powers derive from the nation. It abolishes the Senate and establishes an elected Chamber of Deputies. It maintains the monarchy and significant royal powers, but transfers the basis of legitimacy to popular sovereignty. The term "crowned democracy" is often used for the regime, but it is not an exact wording of the Constitution.

Greece has changed both territorially and politically. Otho has left without abdicating, a new dynasty has been installed, the Ionian Islands have been united with the kingdom, and a more democratic Constitution has been put into effect. However, stable parliamentary governance has not yet been achieved.

In the next episode, we move on to the years 1865–1881: to the first trials of the reign of George I, the Cretan Revolution, the beginning of the principle of declared confidence, and the incorporation of Thessaly and Arta.

Find all episodes at ProjectGreece.gr, along with references, additional material, explanations, sources, and bibliography.

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